- Kristi Noem (R) 49.3% [50.8%] (47.4%)
- Matt Varilek (D) 43.6% [42.0%] (45.6%)
- Strongly approve 24.4% [26.1%]
- Somewhat approve 29.0% [28.6%]
- Somewhat disapprove 17.7% [19.7%]
- Strongly disapprove 28.9% [25.7%]
13 Ekim 2012 Cumartesi
Poll Watch: Nielson Brothers South Dakota 2012 Congressional Survey
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NBP South Dakota 2012 Congressional Poll
Poll Watch: Nielson Brothers South Dakota 2012 Presidential Survey
To contact us Click HERE
NBP South Dakota 2012 Presidential Poll
- Mitt Romney 51.6% {53.9%} [49%] (48%)
- Barack Obama 41.1% {38.7%} [43%] (29%)
- Strongly approve 26.4% {25.8%} [27%]
- Somewhat approve 16.8% {17.1%} [18%]
- Somewhat disapprove 10.0% {12.1%} [13%]
- Strongly disapprove 46.8% {45.0%} [42%]
Poll Watch: Investor's Business Daily/Christian Science Monitor/TIPP 2012 Presidential Survey
To contact us Click HERE
IBD/CSM/TIPP 2012 Daily Presidential Tracking Poll
- Barack Obama 46.4% (46.4%) {45.7%} [43.7%] (45%)
- Mitt Romney 45.7% (45.7%) {46.9%} [48.7%] (47%)
- Not sure 5.9% (5.9%) {5.5%} [6.1%] (6.7%)
- Mitt Romney 47% (48%) {51%} [54%] (52%)
- Barack Obama 39% (39%) {36%} [34%] (34%)
- Not sure 12% (12%) {11%} [12%] (12%)
- Barack Obama 52% (53%) {54%} [54%] (57%)
- Mitt Romney 39% (39%) {37%} [37%] (33%)
- Not sure 8% (7%) {8%} [8%] (9%)
- Mitt Romney 50% (50%) {53%} [57%] (54%)
- Barack Obama 43% (43%) {41%} [36%] (38%)
- Not sure 5% (5%) {5%} [6%] (7%)
- Barack Obama 50% (50%) {50%} [50%] (51%)
- Mitt Romney 41% (42%) {42%} [42%] (41%)
- Not sure 7% (6%) {6%} [6%] (6%)
Poll Watch: Behavior Research Center Rocky Mountain Arizona 2012 Presidential Survey
To contact us Click HERE
BRC Rocky Mountain Arizona 2012 Presidential PollLikely Voters
- Barack Obama 44%
- Mitt Romney 42%
- Gary Johnson 3%
- Jill Stein 1%
- Not sure 10%
- Barack Obama 42% {42%} [37%] (45%)
- Mitt Romney 40% {40%} [43%] (40%)
- Gary Johnson 3%
- Jill Stein 2%
- Not sure 13%
- Latino: 24%
- Independents: 22%
- Non-Latino minorities: 21%
- Under age 35: 17%
- Age 35-54: 16%
- Moderates: 16%
- Democrats: 15%
- Liberals: 11%
- Caucasians: 10%
- Conservatives :10%
- Age 55 or older: 9%
- Republicans: 4%
Poll Watch: Behavior Research Center Rocky Mountain Arizona 2012 Senatorial Survey
To contact us Click HERE
BRC Rocky Mountain Arizona 2012 Senate PollLikely Voters
- Richard Carmona (D) 44%
- Jeff Flake (R) 40%
- Not sure 16%
- Richard Carmona (D) 43%
- Jeff Flake (R) 39%
- Not sure 18%
- Jeff Flake (R) 40%
- Richard Carmona (D) 39%
- Not sure 21%
- Richard Carmona (D) 47%
- Jeff Flake (R) 37%
- Not sure 16%
12 Ekim 2012 Cuma
Executive Order: Strengthening Protections Against Trafficking In Persons In Federal Contracts
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Executive Order: Strengthening Protections Against Trafficking In Persons In Federal Contracts
By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act (40 U.S.C. 101 et seq.) and the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, as amended (TVPA) (Public Law 106-386, Division A), and in order to strengthen protections against trafficking in persons in Federal contracting, it is hereby ordered as follows:
Section 1. Policy. More than 20 million men, women, and children throughout the world are victims of severe forms of trafficking in persons ("trafficking" or "trafficking in persons") -- defined in section 103 of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7102(8), to include sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act has not attained 18 years of age, or the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion, for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery.
The United States has long had a zero-tolerance policy regarding Government employees and contractor personnel engaging in any form of this criminal behavior. As the largest single purchaser of goods and services in the world, the United States Government bears a responsibility to ensure that taxpayer dollars do not contribute to trafficking in persons. By providing our Government workforce with additional tools and training to apply and enforce existing policy, and by providing additional clarity to Government contractors and subcontractors on the steps necessary to fully comply with that policy, this order will help to protect vulnerable individuals as contractors and subcontractors perform vital services and manufacture the goods procured by the United States.
In addition, the improved safeguards provided by this order to strengthen compliance with anti-trafficking laws will promote economy and efficiency in Government procurement. These safeguards, which have been largely modeled on successful practices in the private sector, will increase stability, productivity, and certainty in Federal contracting by avoiding the disruption and disarray caused by the use of trafficked labor and resulting investigative and enforcement actions.
Sec. 2. Anti-Trafficking Provisions. (a) Within 180 days of the date of this order, the Federal Acquisition Regulatory (FAR) Council, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Labor, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Administrator for the United States Agency for International Development, and the heads of such other executive departments and agencies (agencies) as the FAR Council determines to be appropriate, shall take steps necessary to amend the Federal Acquisition Regulation to:
(1) strengthen the efficacy of the Government's zero-tolerance policy on trafficking in persons by Federal contractors and subcontractors in solicitations, contracts, and subcontracts for supplies or services (including construction and commercial items), by:
(A) expressly prohibiting Federal contractors, contractor employees, subcontractors, and subcontractor employees from engaging in any of the following types of trafficking-related activities:
(i) using misleading or fraudulent recruitment practices during the recruitment of employees, such as failing to disclose basic information or making material misrepresentations regarding the key terms and conditions of employment, including wages and fringe benefits, the location of work, living conditions and housing (if employer provided or arranged), any significant costs to be charged to the employee, and, if applicable, the hazardous nature of the work;
(ii) charging employees recruitment fees;
(iii) destroying, concealing, confiscating, or otherwise denying access by an employee to the employee's identity documents, such as passports or drivers' licenses; and
(iv) for portions of contracts and subcontracts:
(I) performed outside the United States, failing to pay return transportation costs upon the end of employment, for an employee who is not a national of the country in which the work is taking place and who was brought into that country for the purpose of working on a U.S. Government contract or subcontract;
(II) not covered by subsection (a)(1)(A)(iv)(I) of this section, failing to pay return transportation costs upon the end of employment, for an employee who is not a national of the country in which the work is taking place and who was brought into that country for the purpose of working on a U.S. Government contract or subcontract, if the payment of such costs is required under existing temporary worker programs or pursuant to a written agreement with the employee; provided, however
(III) that the requirements of subsections (a)(1)(A)(iv)(I) and (II) shall not apply to:
(aa) an employee who is legally permitted to remain in the country of employment and who chooses to do so; or
(bb) an employee who is a victim of trafficking and is seeking victim services or legal redress in the country of employment, or an employee who is a witness in a trafficking-related enforcement action;
(v) other specific activities that the FAR Council identifies as directly supporting or promoting trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor in the performance of the contract or subcontract;
(B) requiring contractors and their subcontractors, by contract clause, to agree to cooperate fully in providing reasonable access to allow contracting agencies and other responsible enforcement agencies to conduct audits, investigations, or other actions to ascertain compliance with the TVPA, this order, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor; and
(C) requiring contracting officers to notify, in accordance with agency procedures, the agency's Inspector General, the agency official responsible for initiating suspension or debarment actions, and law enforcement, if appropriate, if they become aware of any activities that would justify termination under section 106(g) of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7104(g), or are inconsistent with the requirements of this order or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor, and further requiring that the agency official responsible for initiating suspension and debarment actions consider whether suspension or debarment is necessary in order to protect the Government's interest;
(2) except as provided in subsection (a)(3) of this section, ensure that provisions in solicitations and clauses in contracts and subcontracts, where the estimated value of the supplies acquired or services required to be performed outside the United States exceeds $500,000, include the following requirements pertaining to the portion of the contract or subcontract performed outside the United States:
(A) that each such contractor and subcontractor maintain a compliance plan during the performance of the contract or subcontract that is appropriate for the size and complexity of the contract or subcontract and the nature and scope of the activities performed, including the risk that the contract or subcontract will involve services or supplies susceptible to trafficking. The compliance plan shall be provided to the contracting officer upon request, and relevant contents of the plan shall be posted no later than the initiation of contract performance at the workplace and on the contractor or subcontractor's website (if one is maintained), and shall, at a minimum, include:
(i) an awareness program to inform employees about:
(I) the policy of ensuring that employees do not engage in trafficking in persons or related activities, including those specified in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor; and
(II) the actions that will be taken against employees for violation of such policy;
(ii) a process for employees to report, without fear of retaliation, any activity that would justify termination under section 106(g) of the TVPA, or is inconsistent with the requirements of this order, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor;
(iii) a recruitment and wage plan that only permits the use of recruitment companies with trained employees, prohibits charging recruitment fees to the employee, and ensures that wages meet applicable host country legal requirements or explains any variance;
(iv) a housing plan, if the contractor or subcontractor intends to provide or arrange housing, that ensures that the housing meets host country housing and safety standards or explains any variance; and
(v) procedures to prevent subcontractors at any tier from engaging in trafficking in persons, including those trafficking-related activities described in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, and to monitor, detect, and terminate any subcontractors or subcontractor employees that have engaged in such activities; and
(B) that each such contractor and subcontractor shall certify, prior to receiving an award and annually thereafter during the term of the contract or subcontract, that:
(i) it has the compliance plan referred to in subsection (a)(2)(A) of this section in place to prevent trafficking-related activities described in section 106(g) of the TVPA and this order; and
(ii) either, to the best of its knowledge and belief, neither it nor any of its subcontractors has engaged in any such activities; or, if abuses have been found, the contractor or subcontractor has taken the appropriate remedial and referral actions;
(3) specify that the requirements in subsections (a)(2)(A) and (B) of this section shall not apply with respect to contracts or subcontracts for commercially available off-the-shelf items.
(b) Not later than 1 year after the date of this order, the member agencies of the President's Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (PITF), established pursuant to section 105 of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7103, shall jointly establish a process for evaluating and identifying, for Federal contracts and subcontracts performed substantially within the United States, whether there are industries or sectors with a history (or where there is current evidence) of trafficking-related or forced labor activities described in section 106(g) of the TVPA, in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor. Where the PITF has identified such industries or sectors, it shall notify agencies of these designations, and individual agencies shall, in consultation with the Office of Federal Procurement Policy of the Office of Management and Budget, adopt and publish appropriate safeguards, guidance, and compliance assistance to prevent trafficking and forced labor in Federal contracting in these identified areas.
Sec. 3. Guidance and Training. (a) The Administrator for Federal Procurement Policy shall:
(1) in consultation with appropriate management councils, such as the Chief Acquisition Officers Council, provide guidance to agencies on developing appropriate internal procedures and controls for awarding and administering Federal contracts to improve monitoring of and compliance with actions to prevent trafficking in persons, consistent with section 106 of the TVPA, including the development of methods to track the number of trafficking violations reported and remedies applied; and
(2) in consultation with the Federal Acquisition Institute and appropriate management councils, such as the Chief Acquisition Officers Council:
(A) develop methods to track the number of Federal employees trained; and
(B) implement training requirements to ensure that the Federal acquisition workforce is trained on the policies and responsibilities for combating trafficking, including on:
(i) applicable laws, regulations, and policies; and
(ii) internal controls and oversight procedures implemented by the agency, including enforcement procedures available to the agency to investigate, manage, and mitigate contractor and subcontractor trafficking violations.
(b) The member agencies of PITF shall jointly facilitate the sharing of information that may be used by acquisition, program, and other offices within agencies to evaluate where the risk of trafficking in persons may be heightened based on the nature of the work to be performed, the place of performance, and any other relevant considerations.
Sec. 4. Effective Date. This order shall become effective immediately and shall apply to solicitations issued on or after the effective date for the action taken by the FAR Council under subsection 2(a) of this order.
Sec. 5. General Provisions. (a) Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
(1) the authority granted by law to an executive department, agency, or the head thereof; or
(2) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.
(b) This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.
(c) This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.
BARACK OBAMA
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By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act (40 U.S.C. 101 et seq.) and the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, as amended (TVPA) (Public Law 106-386, Division A), and in order to strengthen protections against trafficking in persons in Federal contracting, it is hereby ordered as follows:
Section 1. Policy. More than 20 million men, women, and children throughout the world are victims of severe forms of trafficking in persons ("trafficking" or "trafficking in persons") -- defined in section 103 of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7102(8), to include sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act has not attained 18 years of age, or the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion, for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery.
The United States has long had a zero-tolerance policy regarding Government employees and contractor personnel engaging in any form of this criminal behavior. As the largest single purchaser of goods and services in the world, the United States Government bears a responsibility to ensure that taxpayer dollars do not contribute to trafficking in persons. By providing our Government workforce with additional tools and training to apply and enforce existing policy, and by providing additional clarity to Government contractors and subcontractors on the steps necessary to fully comply with that policy, this order will help to protect vulnerable individuals as contractors and subcontractors perform vital services and manufacture the goods procured by the United States.
In addition, the improved safeguards provided by this order to strengthen compliance with anti-trafficking laws will promote economy and efficiency in Government procurement. These safeguards, which have been largely modeled on successful practices in the private sector, will increase stability, productivity, and certainty in Federal contracting by avoiding the disruption and disarray caused by the use of trafficked labor and resulting investigative and enforcement actions.
Sec. 2. Anti-Trafficking Provisions. (a) Within 180 days of the date of this order, the Federal Acquisition Regulatory (FAR) Council, in consultation with the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Labor, the Secretary of Homeland Security, the Administrator for the United States Agency for International Development, and the heads of such other executive departments and agencies (agencies) as the FAR Council determines to be appropriate, shall take steps necessary to amend the Federal Acquisition Regulation to:
(1) strengthen the efficacy of the Government's zero-tolerance policy on trafficking in persons by Federal contractors and subcontractors in solicitations, contracts, and subcontracts for supplies or services (including construction and commercial items), by:
(A) expressly prohibiting Federal contractors, contractor employees, subcontractors, and subcontractor employees from engaging in any of the following types of trafficking-related activities:
(i) using misleading or fraudulent recruitment practices during the recruitment of employees, such as failing to disclose basic information or making material misrepresentations regarding the key terms and conditions of employment, including wages and fringe benefits, the location of work, living conditions and housing (if employer provided or arranged), any significant costs to be charged to the employee, and, if applicable, the hazardous nature of the work;
(ii) charging employees recruitment fees;
(iii) destroying, concealing, confiscating, or otherwise denying access by an employee to the employee's identity documents, such as passports or drivers' licenses; and
(iv) for portions of contracts and subcontracts:
(I) performed outside the United States, failing to pay return transportation costs upon the end of employment, for an employee who is not a national of the country in which the work is taking place and who was brought into that country for the purpose of working on a U.S. Government contract or subcontract;
(II) not covered by subsection (a)(1)(A)(iv)(I) of this section, failing to pay return transportation costs upon the end of employment, for an employee who is not a national of the country in which the work is taking place and who was brought into that country for the purpose of working on a U.S. Government contract or subcontract, if the payment of such costs is required under existing temporary worker programs or pursuant to a written agreement with the employee; provided, however
(III) that the requirements of subsections (a)(1)(A)(iv)(I) and (II) shall not apply to:
(aa) an employee who is legally permitted to remain in the country of employment and who chooses to do so; or
(bb) an employee who is a victim of trafficking and is seeking victim services or legal redress in the country of employment, or an employee who is a witness in a trafficking-related enforcement action;
(v) other specific activities that the FAR Council identifies as directly supporting or promoting trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor in the performance of the contract or subcontract;
(B) requiring contractors and their subcontractors, by contract clause, to agree to cooperate fully in providing reasonable access to allow contracting agencies and other responsible enforcement agencies to conduct audits, investigations, or other actions to ascertain compliance with the TVPA, this order, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor; and
(C) requiring contracting officers to notify, in accordance with agency procedures, the agency's Inspector General, the agency official responsible for initiating suspension or debarment actions, and law enforcement, if appropriate, if they become aware of any activities that would justify termination under section 106(g) of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7104(g), or are inconsistent with the requirements of this order or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor, and further requiring that the agency official responsible for initiating suspension and debarment actions consider whether suspension or debarment is necessary in order to protect the Government's interest;
(2) except as provided in subsection (a)(3) of this section, ensure that provisions in solicitations and clauses in contracts and subcontracts, where the estimated value of the supplies acquired or services required to be performed outside the United States exceeds $500,000, include the following requirements pertaining to the portion of the contract or subcontract performed outside the United States:
(A) that each such contractor and subcontractor maintain a compliance plan during the performance of the contract or subcontract that is appropriate for the size and complexity of the contract or subcontract and the nature and scope of the activities performed, including the risk that the contract or subcontract will involve services or supplies susceptible to trafficking. The compliance plan shall be provided to the contracting officer upon request, and relevant contents of the plan shall be posted no later than the initiation of contract performance at the workplace and on the contractor or subcontractor's website (if one is maintained), and shall, at a minimum, include:
(i) an awareness program to inform employees about:
(I) the policy of ensuring that employees do not engage in trafficking in persons or related activities, including those specified in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor; and
(II) the actions that will be taken against employees for violation of such policy;
(ii) a process for employees to report, without fear of retaliation, any activity that would justify termination under section 106(g) of the TVPA, or is inconsistent with the requirements of this order, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor;
(iii) a recruitment and wage plan that only permits the use of recruitment companies with trained employees, prohibits charging recruitment fees to the employee, and ensures that wages meet applicable host country legal requirements or explains any variance;
(iv) a housing plan, if the contractor or subcontractor intends to provide or arrange housing, that ensures that the housing meets host country housing and safety standards or explains any variance; and
(v) procedures to prevent subcontractors at any tier from engaging in trafficking in persons, including those trafficking-related activities described in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, and to monitor, detect, and terminate any subcontractors or subcontractor employees that have engaged in such activities; and
(B) that each such contractor and subcontractor shall certify, prior to receiving an award and annually thereafter during the term of the contract or subcontract, that:
(i) it has the compliance plan referred to in subsection (a)(2)(A) of this section in place to prevent trafficking-related activities described in section 106(g) of the TVPA and this order; and
(ii) either, to the best of its knowledge and belief, neither it nor any of its subcontractors has engaged in any such activities; or, if abuses have been found, the contractor or subcontractor has taken the appropriate remedial and referral actions;
(3) specify that the requirements in subsections (a)(2)(A) and (B) of this section shall not apply with respect to contracts or subcontracts for commercially available off-the-shelf items.
(b) Not later than 1 year after the date of this order, the member agencies of the President's Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (PITF), established pursuant to section 105 of the TVPA, 22 U.S.C. 7103, shall jointly establish a process for evaluating and identifying, for Federal contracts and subcontracts performed substantially within the United States, whether there are industries or sectors with a history (or where there is current evidence) of trafficking-related or forced labor activities described in section 106(g) of the TVPA, in subsection (a)(1)(A) of this section, or any other applicable law or regulation establishing restrictions on trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor. Where the PITF has identified such industries or sectors, it shall notify agencies of these designations, and individual agencies shall, in consultation with the Office of Federal Procurement Policy of the Office of Management and Budget, adopt and publish appropriate safeguards, guidance, and compliance assistance to prevent trafficking and forced labor in Federal contracting in these identified areas.
Sec. 3. Guidance and Training. (a) The Administrator for Federal Procurement Policy shall:
(1) in consultation with appropriate management councils, such as the Chief Acquisition Officers Council, provide guidance to agencies on developing appropriate internal procedures and controls for awarding and administering Federal contracts to improve monitoring of and compliance with actions to prevent trafficking in persons, consistent with section 106 of the TVPA, including the development of methods to track the number of trafficking violations reported and remedies applied; and
(2) in consultation with the Federal Acquisition Institute and appropriate management councils, such as the Chief Acquisition Officers Council:
(A) develop methods to track the number of Federal employees trained; and
(B) implement training requirements to ensure that the Federal acquisition workforce is trained on the policies and responsibilities for combating trafficking, including on:
(i) applicable laws, regulations, and policies; and
(ii) internal controls and oversight procedures implemented by the agency, including enforcement procedures available to the agency to investigate, manage, and mitigate contractor and subcontractor trafficking violations.
(b) The member agencies of PITF shall jointly facilitate the sharing of information that may be used by acquisition, program, and other offices within agencies to evaluate where the risk of trafficking in persons may be heightened based on the nature of the work to be performed, the place of performance, and any other relevant considerations.
Sec. 4. Effective Date. This order shall become effective immediately and shall apply to solicitations issued on or after the effective date for the action taken by the FAR Council under subsection 2(a) of this order.
Sec. 5. General Provisions. (a) Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
(1) the authority granted by law to an executive department, agency, or the head thereof; or
(2) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.
(b) This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.
(c) This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.
BARACK OBAMA
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President Obama's Remarks to the UN General Assembly September 25 2012
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Today's speech took place at the United Nations Headquarters in New York, New York 10:22 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician. As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco. And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that commitment throughout his life. As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked -- tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile. Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship. As America’s representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met. And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital. That’s when America’s compound came under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old. I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America. Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents. He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles -- a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity. The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America. We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice. And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region -- including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen -- have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm. And so have religious authorities around the globe.But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America. They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded -- the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass. If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis -- because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens -- and not by his killers. Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that’s taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people. We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture. These are not simply American values or Western values -- they are universal values. And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.So let us remember that this is a season of progress. For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair. This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world. Over the past year, we’ve seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform. Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. Nelson Mandela once said: "To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others." (Applause.) True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe. It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.In other words, true democracy -- real freedom -- is hard work. Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents. In hard economic times, countries must be tempted -- may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress -- dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division. From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we’ve witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order. At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe. And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world. In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they’re willing to tolerate freedom for others.That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech. Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so. (Applause.) Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities. We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question, then, is how do we respond? And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence. (Applause.) There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan. In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if that’s how we respond. More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy. Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism. (Applause.) It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can’t deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job. That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change. But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces. Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant. They don’t build; they only destroy.It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, "Muslims, Christians, we are one." The future must not belong to those who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons. (Applause.) The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country’s resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support.
The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied. (Applause.)Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims. It’s time to heed the words of Gandhi: "Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit." (Applause.) Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what America embodies, that’s the vision we will support.Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist. The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. (Applause.) Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence. Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don’t need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That’s what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for -- with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so. But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty. That’s why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable. And that’s why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights. That’s why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well. History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.And it is because of the progress that I’ve witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I’ve witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We’ve begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more. Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power in the hands of citizens.At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people that I’ve seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise. These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That’s what we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people -- and not the other way around.The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world. That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives that he touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans."They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.Thank you very much. (Applause.) 10% Off + 30-Day Free Trial of LifeLock ULTIMATE
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It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.I know there are some who ask why we don’t just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech. Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so. (Applause.) Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities. We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question, then, is how do we respond? And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence. (Applause.) There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan. In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if that’s how we respond. More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy. Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism. (Applause.) It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can’t deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking an embassy won’t create a single job. That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy’s promise.Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change. But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces. Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana’a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant. They don’t build; they only destroy.It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, "Muslims, Christians, we are one." The future must not belong to those who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons. (Applause.) The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country’s resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support.
The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied. (Applause.)Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims. It’s time to heed the words of Gandhi: "Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit." (Applause.) Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what America embodies, that’s the vision we will support.Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist. The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. (Applause.) Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence. Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don’t need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That’s what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for -- with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so. But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty. That’s why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable. And that’s why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights. That’s why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well. History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.And it is because of the progress that I’ve witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I’ve witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We’ve begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more. Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power in the hands of citizens.At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people that I’ve seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise. These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That’s what we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people -- and not the other way around.The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world. That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens’s legacy will live on in the lives that he touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans."They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.Thank you very much. (Applause.)
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Presidential Memorandum: Aviation Insurance Coverage for Commercial Air Carrier Service in Domestic and International Operations
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Why is the Presidential Memorandum so important and why is the 1461 tracking them?
In January of 2009 the Presidential Memorandum was given the same power as the Executive Order by the Department of Justice in a statement by U.S. Assistant Attorney General Randolph D. Moss.
In effect, it suddenly became the equal to the Executive Order with the same power.
Presidential Memorandum: Aviation Insurance Coverage for Commercial Air Carrier Service in Domestic and International Operations
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF TRANSPORTATIONSUBJECT: Provision of Aviation Insurance Coverage for Commercial Air Carrier Service in Domestic and International OperationsBy the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, including 49 U.S.C. 44301-44310, I hereby:1. Determine that the continuation of U.S. air transportation is necessary in the interest of air commerce, national security, and the foreign policy of the United States.2. Approve provision by the Secretary of Transportation of insurance or reinsurance to U.S.-certificated air carriers against loss or damage arising out of any risk from the operation of an aircraft, in the manner and to the extent provided in chapter 443 of title 49, U.S. Code, until September 30, 2013, if he determines that such insurance or reinsurance cannot be obtained on reasonable terms from any company authorized to conduct an insurance business in a State of the United States.3. Delegate to the Secretary of Transportation the authority, vested in me by 49 U.S.C. 44306(c), to extend this approval and determination beyond September 30, 2013, to December 31, 2013, if he finds that the continued operation of aircraft to be insured or reinsured is necessary in the interest of air commerce or national security or to carry out the foreign policy of the United States Government, if he also determines that such insurance or reinsurance cannot be obtained on reasonable terms from any company authorized to conduct an insurance business in a State of the United States.You are directed to bring this determination immediately to the attention of all air carriers, as defined in 49 U.S.C. 40102(a)(2), and to arrange for its publication in the Federal Register.BARACK OBAMA
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Join the conversation and post your thoughts in the comments! Read the 1461 Comment Guidelines.
1461 is currently being read by over 500,000 People and spreading! Help the 1461 continue to Grow and spread the truth - invite your friends and family to join the 1461 and learn the truth rather than BS!
| Tweet |
Join our Facebook page by clicking here!
Don't forget to keep an eye on the 1461's comprehensive list of President Obama's Executive Orders.
Why is the Presidential Memorandum so important and why is the 1461 tracking them?
In January of 2009 the Presidential Memorandum was given the same power as the Executive Order by the Department of Justice in a statement by U.S. Assistant Attorney General Randolph D. Moss.
In effect, it suddenly became the equal to the Executive Order with the same power.
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President Obama: Order Signed regarding the Acquisition of Four U.S. Wind Farm Project Companies by Ralls Corporation
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September 28, 2012
President Obama: Order Signed regarding the Acquisition of Four U.S. Wind Farm Project Companies by Ralls Corporation
ORDER- - - - - - -REGARDING THE ACQUISITION OF FOUR U.S. WIND FARM PROJECT COMPANIES BY RALLS CORPORATIONBy the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including section 721 of the Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended (section 721), 50 U.S.C. App. 2170,Section 1. Findings. I hereby make the following findings:(a) There is credible evidence that leads me to believe that Ralls Corporation (Ralls), a corporation organized under the laws of Delaware, and its subsidiaries, and the Sany Group (which includes Sany Electric and Sany Heavy Industries), a Chinese company affiliated with Ralls (together, the Companies); and, Mr. Dawei Duan (Mr. Duan) and Mr. Jialing Wu (Mr. Wu), citizens of the People's Republic of China and senior executives of the Sany Group, who together own Ralls; through exercising control of Lower Ridge Windfarm, LLC, High Plateau Windfarm, LLC, Mule Hollow Windfarm, LLC, and Pine City Windfarm, LLC (collectively, the Project Companies), all limited liability companies organized under the laws of Oregon, might take action that threatens to impair the national security of the United States; and(b) Provisions of law, other than section 721 and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), do not, in my judgment, provide adequate and appropriate authority for me to protect the national security in this matter.Sec. 2. Actions Ordered and Authorized. On the basis of the findings set forth in section 1 of this order, considering the factors described in subsection 721(f), as appropriate, and pursuant to my authority under applicable law, including section 721, I hereby order that:(a) The transaction resulting in the acquisition of the Project Companies and their assets by the Companies or Mr. Wu or Mr. Duan is hereby prohibited, and ownership by the Companies or Mr. Wu or Mr. Duan of any interest in the Project Companies and their assets, whether directly or indirectly through owners, subsidiaries, or affiliates, is prohibited.(b) In order to effectuate this order, Ralls shall divest all interests in:(i) the Project Companies;(ii) the Project Companies' assets, intellectual property, technology, personnel, and customer contracts; and(iii) any operations developed, held, or controlled, whether directly or indirectly, by the Project Companies at the time of, or since, their acquisitionnot later than 90 days after the date of this order, unless such date is extended for a period not to exceed three (3) months, on such written conditions as the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) may require. Immediately upon divestment, Ralls shall certify in writing to CFIUS that such divestment has been effected in accordance with this order.(c) No later than 14 calendar days from the date of this order, the Companies shall:(i) remove from the properties on which the Companies have proposed to construct wind farms (including alternate sites) that are identified in the notice filed with CFIUS (Properties) all items, structures, or other physical objects or installations of any kind (including concrete foundations) that the Companies or persons on behalf of the Companies have stockpiled, stored, deposited, installed, or affixed thereon; and(ii) provide CFIUS with a statement signed by Mr. Duan and Mr. Wu certifying that the Companies have completed such removal.(d) The Companies, and any persons acting for or on behalf of the Companies, including officers, employees, and owners, shall cease all access, and will not have any access, to the Properties. Notwithstanding the foregoing, individuals that are U.S. citizens contracted by the Companies and approved by CFIUS may access the Properties solely for purposes of fulfilling the requirements of subsection (c) of this section.(e) The Companies, Mr. Duan, and Mr. Wu shall not sell or otherwise transfer, or propose to sell or otherwise transfer, or otherwise facilitate the sale or transfer of, any items made or otherwise produced by the Sany Group to any third party for use or installation at the Properties.(f) Ralls shall not complete a sale or transfer of the Project Companies or their assets to any third party until:(i) all items, structures, or other physical objects or installations of any kind (including concrete foundations) that the Companies or persons on behalf of the Companies have stockpiled, stored, deposited, installed, or affixed on the Properties have been removed from the Properties and the Department of Defense has notified the Companies that it has verified the Companies' certification of such removal provided pursuant to subsection (c) of this section;(ii) Ralls notifies CFIUS in writing of the intended recipient or buyer; and(iii) Ralls has not received a provisional or final objection from CFIUS to the intended recipient or buyer within 10 business days of the notification in subsection f(ii) of this section. Among the factors CFIUS may consider in reviewing the proposed sale or transfer are whether the buyer or transferee: is a U.S. citizen or is owned by U.S. citizens; has or has had a direct or indirect contractual, financial, familial, employment, or other close and continuous relationship with the Companies or Project Companies, or their officers, employees, or owners; and can demonstrate a willingness and ability to support compliance with this order.(g) From the date of this order until Ralls provides a certification of divestment to CFIUS pursuant to subsection (b) of this section, the Companies shall certify to CFIUS on a monthly basis that they are in compliance with this order.(h) Without limitation on the exercise of authority by any agency under other provisions of law, and until such time as the divestment is completed and verified to the satisfaction of CFIUS, CFIUS is authorized to implement measures it deems necessary and appropriate to verify that operations of the Project Companies are carried out in such a manner as to ensure protection of the national security interests of the United States. Such measures may include but are not limited to the following: on reasonable notice to the Project Companies and the Companies, employees of the United States Government, as designated by CFIUS, shall be permitted access, for purposes of verifying compliance with this order, to all premises and facilities of the Project Companies and the Companies located in the United States:(i) to inspect and copy any books, ledgers, accounts, correspondence, memoranda, and other records and documents in the possession or under the control of the Companies or the Project Companies that concern any matter relating to this order;(ii) to inspect any equipment and technical data (including software) in the possession or under the control of the Companies or the Project Companies; and(iii) to interview officers, employees, or agents of the Companies or the Project Companies concerning any matter relating to this order.CFIUS shall conclude its verification procedures within 90 days after the divestment is completed.(i) The Attorney General is authorized to take any steps necessary to enforce this order.Sec. 3. Revocation of Prior Orders. CFIUS's Order Establishing Interim Mitigation Measures of July 25, 2012, and Amended Order Establishing Interim Mitigation Measures of August 2, 2012, are hereby revoked.Sec. 4. Reservation. I hereby reserve my authority to issue further orders with respect to the Companies or the Project Companies as shall in my judgment be necessary to protect the national security.Sec. 5. Publication and Transmittal.(a) This order shall be published in the Federal Register.(b) I hereby direct the Secretary of the Treasury to transmit a copy of this order to the appropriate parties named in section 1 of this order.BARACK OBAMA
Click HERE to Read President Obama's Full Executive Order list
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President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2012
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This list is complete and current to October 9, 2012
President Obama has signed 140 Executive Orders to date during his Administration. The 1461 has included a Free Download of the Official Executive Orders as they become available in the Federal Registry.
The list was originally started here on the 1461 on January 25 2009.
For ease of navigating the full list, the most recent orders are listed below here on the main page along with the rest of the Executive Orders. You can also view the list broken out by year by clicking on the following links:
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2011
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2010
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2009
Learn more about the Constitutional right to use the Presidential Executive Order and what other Presidents have written Executive Orders and how they have used the Power of the Executive Order by clicking here.
Some of you have asked about former President George W Bush's Executive Orders. I am assembling the EO list for 43 now. You can view and download the Executive Orders from the first years of the George W Bush Administration here.
Executive Orders become law if unchallenged by the Congress 30 days after they are submitted.
The Listing of Executive orders in the Congressional Library runs in a numeric order starting with the first Executive orders passed until the most current. When President Barack Obama took office his EO list started from #EO-13489
Do you know which President issued the most Executive Orders? Click here to find out who.
Updates and edits to this page are made as soon as new Executive orders are released and published to the Internet for review.
Help get the message out!
1461 Days of Executive Power - the book will be available soon.
You can request your copy by sending an email to 1461Days@Gmail.com
Currently we have nearly 1,000 copies on request! Sales are not open yet, please do not send money for the book. If you wish to send a donation, donations are being accepted by pay-pal.
Help by sharing Obama's Executive Order list with your friends on FaceBook!
Each item below has a link to the Executive Order or a PDF of the signed document for your review as they are made available.
All links open in a new window.
The List of President Obama's Executive Orders runs in descending order from the most recent.
October 9, 2012
Executive Order: Authorizing the Implementation of Certain Sanctions Set Forth in the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act of 2012 and Additional Sanctions with respect to Iran
September 25, 2012
Executive Order 13627: Strengthening Protections Against Trafficking In Persons In Federal Contracts
September 10, 2012
Executive Order 13626: Gulf Coast Ecosystem Restoration
August 31, 2012
Executive Order 13625: Improving Access to Mental Health Services for Veterans, Service Members, and Military Families
August 30, 2012
Executive Order 13624: Accelerating Investment in Industrial Energy Efficiency
August 10, 2012
Executive Order 13623: Preventing and Responding to Violence Against Women and Girls Globally
July 31, 2012
Executive Order 13622: Authorizing Additional Sanctions With Respect To Iran
July 26, 2012
Executive Order 13621: White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans
July 20, 2012
Executive Order 13620: Taking Additional Steps to Address the National Emergency with Respect to Somalia
July 11, 2012
Executive Order 13619: Blocking Property of Persons Threatening the Peace, Security, or Stability of Burma
July 6, 2012
Executive Order 13618: Assignment of National Security and Emergency Preparedness Communications Functions
June 25, 2012
Executive Order 13617: Russian Highly Enriched Uranium
June 14, 2012
Executive Order 13616: Accelerating Broadband Infrastructure Deployment
May 21, 2012
Executive Order 13615: Providing an Order of Succession within the Office of Management and Budget
Executive Order 13614: Providing an Order of Succession within the Environmental Protection Agency
Executive Order 13613: Providing an Order of Succession within the Department of Commerce
Executive Order 13612: Providing an Order of Succession within the Department of Agriculture
May 16, 2012
Executive Order: Blocking Property of Persons Threatening the Peace, Security, or Stability of Yemen
May 10, 2012
Executive Order - Identifying and Reducing Regulatory Burdens
May 1 2012
Executive Order - Prohibiting Certain Transactions with and Suspending Entry into the United States of Foreign Sanctions Evaders with Respect to Iran and Syria
Executive Order - Promoting International Regulatory Cooperation
April 27, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing Principles of Excellence for Educational Institutions Serving Service Members, Veterans, Spouses, and Other Family Members
April 23, 2012
Executive Order - Blocking the Property and Suspending Entry into the United States of Certain Persons with Respect to Grave Human Rights Abuses by the Governments of Iran and Syria via Information Technology
April 13, 2012
Executive Order - Supporting Safe and Responsible Development of Unconventional Domestic Natural Gas Resources
March 22, 2012
Executive Order - Improving Performance of Federal Permitting and Review of Infrastructure Projects
March 16, 2012
Executive Order - Improving Performance of Federal Permitting and Review of Infrastructure Projects
Executive Order - National Defense Resources Preparedness
March 15, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing a White House Council on Strong Cities, Strong Communities
February 28, 2012
Executive Order - Establishment of the Interagency Trade Enforcement Center
February 9, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing the President's Global Development Council
February 6, 2012
Executive Order - Blocking Property of the Government of Iran and Iranian Financial Institutions
January 27, 2012
Executive Order 13598 - Assignment of Functions Relating to Certain Promotion and Appointment Actions in the Armed Forces
January 19, 2012
Executive Order 13597 - Establishing Visa and Foreign Visitor Processing Goals and the Task Force on Travel and Competitiveness
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1461 is currently being read by over 500,000 People and spreading! Help the 1461 continue to Grow and spread the truth - invite your friends and family to join the 1461 and learn the truth rather than BS!
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President Obama has signed 140 Executive Orders to date during his Administration. The 1461 has included a Free Download of the Official Executive Orders as they become available in the Federal Registry.
The list was originally started here on the 1461 on January 25 2009.
For ease of navigating the full list, the most recent orders are listed below here on the main page along with the rest of the Executive Orders. You can also view the list broken out by year by clicking on the following links:
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2011
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2010
President Obama's Executive Orders issued in 2009
Learn more about the Constitutional right to use the Presidential Executive Order and what other Presidents have written Executive Orders and how they have used the Power of the Executive Order by clicking here.
Some of you have asked about former President George W Bush's Executive Orders. I am assembling the EO list for 43 now. You can view and download the Executive Orders from the first years of the George W Bush Administration here.
Executive Orders become law if unchallenged by the Congress 30 days after they are submitted.
The Listing of Executive orders in the Congressional Library runs in a numeric order starting with the first Executive orders passed until the most current. When President Barack Obama took office his EO list started from #EO-13489
Do you know which President issued the most Executive Orders? Click here to find out who.
Updates and edits to this page are made as soon as new Executive orders are released and published to the Internet for review.
Help get the message out!
| Tweet |
1461 Days of Executive Power - the book will be available soon.
You can request your copy by sending an email to 1461Days@Gmail.com
Currently we have nearly 1,000 copies on request! Sales are not open yet, please do not send money for the book. If you wish to send a donation, donations are being accepted by pay-pal.
Help by sharing Obama's Executive Order list with your friends on FaceBook!
Each item below has a link to the Executive Order or a PDF of the signed document for your review as they are made available.
All links open in a new window.
The List of President Obama's Executive Orders runs in descending order from the most recent.
October 9, 2012
Executive Order: Authorizing the Implementation of Certain Sanctions Set Forth in the Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act of 2012 and Additional Sanctions with respect to Iran
September 25, 2012
Executive Order 13627: Strengthening Protections Against Trafficking In Persons In Federal Contracts
September 10, 2012
Executive Order 13626: Gulf Coast Ecosystem Restoration
August 31, 2012
Executive Order 13625: Improving Access to Mental Health Services for Veterans, Service Members, and Military Families
August 30, 2012
Executive Order 13624: Accelerating Investment in Industrial Energy Efficiency
August 10, 2012
Executive Order 13623: Preventing and Responding to Violence Against Women and Girls Globally
July 31, 2012
Executive Order 13622: Authorizing Additional Sanctions With Respect To Iran
July 26, 2012
Executive Order 13621: White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans
July 20, 2012
Executive Order 13620: Taking Additional Steps to Address the National Emergency with Respect to Somalia
July 11, 2012
Executive Order 13619: Blocking Property of Persons Threatening the Peace, Security, or Stability of Burma
July 6, 2012
Executive Order 13618: Assignment of National Security and Emergency Preparedness Communications Functions
June 25, 2012
Executive Order 13617: Russian Highly Enriched Uranium
June 14, 2012
Executive Order 13616: Accelerating Broadband Infrastructure Deployment
May 21, 2012
Executive Order 13615: Providing an Order of Succession within the Office of Management and Budget
Executive Order 13614: Providing an Order of Succession within the Environmental Protection Agency
Executive Order 13613: Providing an Order of Succession within the Department of Commerce
Executive Order 13612: Providing an Order of Succession within the Department of Agriculture
May 16, 2012
Executive Order: Blocking Property of Persons Threatening the Peace, Security, or Stability of Yemen
May 10, 2012
Executive Order - Identifying and Reducing Regulatory Burdens
May 1 2012
Executive Order - Prohibiting Certain Transactions with and Suspending Entry into the United States of Foreign Sanctions Evaders with Respect to Iran and Syria
Executive Order - Promoting International Regulatory Cooperation
April 27, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing Principles of Excellence for Educational Institutions Serving Service Members, Veterans, Spouses, and Other Family Members
April 23, 2012
Executive Order - Blocking the Property and Suspending Entry into the United States of Certain Persons with Respect to Grave Human Rights Abuses by the Governments of Iran and Syria via Information Technology
April 13, 2012
Executive Order - Supporting Safe and Responsible Development of Unconventional Domestic Natural Gas Resources
March 22, 2012
Executive Order - Improving Performance of Federal Permitting and Review of Infrastructure Projects
March 16, 2012
Executive Order - Improving Performance of Federal Permitting and Review of Infrastructure Projects
Executive Order - National Defense Resources Preparedness
March 15, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing a White House Council on Strong Cities, Strong Communities
February 28, 2012
Executive Order - Establishment of the Interagency Trade Enforcement Center
February 9, 2012
Executive Order - Establishing the President's Global Development Council
February 6, 2012
Executive Order - Blocking Property of the Government of Iran and Iranian Financial Institutions
January 27, 2012
Executive Order 13598 - Assignment of Functions Relating to Certain Promotion and Appointment Actions in the Armed Forces
January 19, 2012
Executive Order 13597 - Establishing Visa and Foreign Visitor Processing Goals and the Task Force on Travel and Competitiveness
Join the conversation and post your thoughts in the comments! Read the 1461 Comment Guidelines.
1461 is currently being read by over 500,000 People and spreading! Help the 1461 continue to Grow and spread the truth - invite your friends and family to join the 1461 and learn the truth rather than BS!
11 Ekim 2012 Perşembe
Prothero's "Religious Literacy"
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Stephen Prothero is a professor of religious studies and prolific writer/thinker at the intersection of religion, history, modern times, and education. He seems like a relatively dispassionate observer—more of a tame, cultural Christian than any sort of fervent disciple of Jesus—and so, he is well-suited to speak in objective terms on contentious questions.
Prothero’s thesis in Religious Literacy is the importance of religious literacy—with a historical review of literacy in America and a call to promoting literacy in the future. In the opening, he contrasts his effort with E.D. Hirsch’s work on cultural literacy. Prothero sees religious literacy as a means to educate (5), whereas Hirsch seems to see cultural literacy as a primary end of education. Prothero sees religious illiteracy as equally pervasive but more dangerous, given its importance in making sense of the world—in both an historical and contemporary sense. He is “committed to seeing the study of religion as an indispensable part of a liberal education.” (11) To that end, he provides a 107-page “Dictionary of Religious Literacy” in chapter 6 and a six-page “Religious Literacy Quiz” in an appendix.
Prothero describes a period of “Eden” in America in this regard—and then “the Fall”. He attributes the Fall primarily to the 2ndGreat Awakening in the early-mid 19th C and to post-WWII “revival”. (He argues against the 1960s’s cultural shifts and the famous Supreme Court decisions as primary.) The latter comports with my own sense of the 1950s as the highpoint of American Civil Religion—a deistic, moralistic faith that opposed communism. One clear sign of the limits of 1950s religion: its adherents produced the children of the 60s.
Striving to explain the balance between religious and secular interests throughout America’s history, he observes that today, “Both the RR and the SL feel besieged…The emotions on both sides of this question are understandable, though the irony of the situation—in which each side sees itself as a victim and believes that the other is seizing control of the country—seems lost on everyone concerned…neither faith nor faithlessness is close to either bankruptcy or monopoly.” (27) And he argues it has always been this way—“secular by law…[and] religious by choice”—from the Founding Fathers to the three most recent presidents (28b-30).
Today, K-12 texts treat religion as “an afterthought or an embarrassment” with a “jack-in-the-box approach: religious characters pop up here and there, typically with all of the color and substance of a circus clown.” (55) This is understandable in part, particularly with younger students, given the desire to make history more interesting. But it’s hardly a method to brag about. Instead, Prothero notes that “none of the classic events in American history…can be understood without knowledge of the religious motivations of [those] who made them happen.” From there, he gives a 10,000-foot view with six pages of examples (56-62).
Why did schools take a “steer clear” approach (68-69)? To play it safe; confusion about the relevant Supreme Court decisions; ignorance about the establishment clause of the Constitution; conflation of “the crucial distinction between theology and religious studies”; and the secular biases of textbook writers.
Why did religious literacy fade in the churches? Between churches, believers were looking for common ground among denominations. (Ironically, tolerance among Protestants usually combined with intolerance toward Catholics.) “More than the forces of secularism, it was this sort of religion that would do religious literacy in.” (107, 118-119).
Within churches, sermons emphasized storytelling over the Bible and doctrine. There was a growing emphasis on passion and experience over knowledge and doctrine—even to the point that knowledge was seen as an opponent of piety: “What for generations had been shameful—religious illiteracy—would become a badge of honor in a nation besotted with the self-made man and the spirit-filled preacher.” (109-111)
In the schools, it “became nearly impossible to discuss religion in most public schools” (even as early as the 19thC.). There was a shift toward morals over doctrine; textbooks became secularized; tame religious rites became civil more than religious; morality substituted for religion. “The lowest common-denominator Protestantism once preached in public schools morphed into general Christianity, then into generic moralism…not so much salvation as prosperity” (124-127, 135-138)
The famous “revival” of the 1950s was largely of civil religion and “the American way of life”, with passing references to “Judeo-Christian” religion, Eisenhower’s “a deeply felt religious faith and I don’t care what it is”, and Will Herberg’s “faith in faith”. (141-143) “In conforming themselves to American culture, Protestantism, Catholicism and Judaism had become little more than parallel paths up the mountain of the American dream.” (9)
Dallas Willard makes similar observations in The Divine Conspiracy, but distinguishes between the Religious Left’s social gospel (often at the expense of a full-blooded Gospel and discipleship) and the Religious Right’s focus on ascension to minimal doctrinal beliefs (what he labels a “bar-code faith”—getting a sticker slapped on you so you can get scanned into heaven).
As for solutions, Prothero (160) notes that the SCOTUS gave constitutional permission for the academic story of religion in Abington v. Schempp(1963). And he cites William Brennan in the majority opinion: “plainly does not foreclose teaching about the Holy Scriptures or about the differences between religious sects…impossible to teach meaningfully many subjects in the social sciences or the humanities without some mention of religion.” (160).
As for specifics, first, Prothero (165-167) proposes one required course on the Bible in high school—neither to be preached nor debunked; to include (but not be limited to) teaching it as literature; to discuss its influence on economics, politics, art, music, history, etc.; and to familiarize students with it in a religious literacy sort of way. In particular, he recommends the reading of at least Genesis (Leon Kass would agree with this!) and Matthew.
Second, Prothero (168-171) recommends a required course in world religions in high school—generally, “the seven great religious traditions” with the occasional tailoring to local circumstances (e.g., native American religions). He cites a public school in Modesto, CA that has a course like this one.
Prothero notes that teachers would need to be trained to execute these two courses well and argues that parents should be given an opt-out. Here, I think he’s optimistic about how this would play out in local politics—and misses the larger, underlying economic picture: the real problem here is that monopoly power of the government’s K-12 education (172).
For Christians who are excited about harnessing these ideas to Christian ends, I’d warn you to be (really) careful what you ask for. Imagine who will teach these courses. And even if you get good teaching, would it promote a Christian worldview and encourage discipleship with Jesus or inoculate people with a safe version of pluralistic religion? Prothero makes a similarly sobering observation to open the book—that the countries where church participation is mandated are places where the Church has been emasculated (1). If you’re an opponent of religion in general or Christianity in particular, ironically, the best way to harm it might be to mandate it.
Stephen Prothero is a professor of religious studies and prolific writer/thinker at the intersection of religion, history, modern times, and education. He seems like a relatively dispassionate observer—more of a tame, cultural Christian than any sort of fervent disciple of Jesus—and so, he is well-suited to speak in objective terms on contentious questions.
Prothero’s thesis in Religious Literacy is the importance of religious literacy—with a historical review of literacy in America and a call to promoting literacy in the future. In the opening, he contrasts his effort with E.D. Hirsch’s work on cultural literacy. Prothero sees religious literacy as a means to educate (5), whereas Hirsch seems to see cultural literacy as a primary end of education. Prothero sees religious illiteracy as equally pervasive but more dangerous, given its importance in making sense of the world—in both an historical and contemporary sense. He is “committed to seeing the study of religion as an indispensable part of a liberal education.” (11) To that end, he provides a 107-page “Dictionary of Religious Literacy” in chapter 6 and a six-page “Religious Literacy Quiz” in an appendix.
Prothero describes a period of “Eden” in America in this regard—and then “the Fall”. He attributes the Fall primarily to the 2ndGreat Awakening in the early-mid 19th C and to post-WWII “revival”. (He argues against the 1960s’s cultural shifts and the famous Supreme Court decisions as primary.) The latter comports with my own sense of the 1950s as the highpoint of American Civil Religion—a deistic, moralistic faith that opposed communism. One clear sign of the limits of 1950s religion: its adherents produced the children of the 60s.
Striving to explain the balance between religious and secular interests throughout America’s history, he observes that today, “Both the RR and the SL feel besieged…The emotions on both sides of this question are understandable, though the irony of the situation—in which each side sees itself as a victim and believes that the other is seizing control of the country—seems lost on everyone concerned…neither faith nor faithlessness is close to either bankruptcy or monopoly.” (27) And he argues it has always been this way—“secular by law…[and] religious by choice”—from the Founding Fathers to the three most recent presidents (28b-30).
Today, K-12 texts treat religion as “an afterthought or an embarrassment” with a “jack-in-the-box approach: religious characters pop up here and there, typically with all of the color and substance of a circus clown.” (55) This is understandable in part, particularly with younger students, given the desire to make history more interesting. But it’s hardly a method to brag about. Instead, Prothero notes that “none of the classic events in American history…can be understood without knowledge of the religious motivations of [those] who made them happen.” From there, he gives a 10,000-foot view with six pages of examples (56-62).
Why did schools take a “steer clear” approach (68-69)? To play it safe; confusion about the relevant Supreme Court decisions; ignorance about the establishment clause of the Constitution; conflation of “the crucial distinction between theology and religious studies”; and the secular biases of textbook writers.
Why did religious literacy fade in the churches? Between churches, believers were looking for common ground among denominations. (Ironically, tolerance among Protestants usually combined with intolerance toward Catholics.) “More than the forces of secularism, it was this sort of religion that would do religious literacy in.” (107, 118-119).
Within churches, sermons emphasized storytelling over the Bible and doctrine. There was a growing emphasis on passion and experience over knowledge and doctrine—even to the point that knowledge was seen as an opponent of piety: “What for generations had been shameful—religious illiteracy—would become a badge of honor in a nation besotted with the self-made man and the spirit-filled preacher.” (109-111)
In the schools, it “became nearly impossible to discuss religion in most public schools” (even as early as the 19thC.). There was a shift toward morals over doctrine; textbooks became secularized; tame religious rites became civil more than religious; morality substituted for religion. “The lowest common-denominator Protestantism once preached in public schools morphed into general Christianity, then into generic moralism…not so much salvation as prosperity” (124-127, 135-138)
The famous “revival” of the 1950s was largely of civil religion and “the American way of life”, with passing references to “Judeo-Christian” religion, Eisenhower’s “a deeply felt religious faith and I don’t care what it is”, and Will Herberg’s “faith in faith”. (141-143) “In conforming themselves to American culture, Protestantism, Catholicism and Judaism had become little more than parallel paths up the mountain of the American dream.” (9)
Dallas Willard makes similar observations in The Divine Conspiracy, but distinguishes between the Religious Left’s social gospel (often at the expense of a full-blooded Gospel and discipleship) and the Religious Right’s focus on ascension to minimal doctrinal beliefs (what he labels a “bar-code faith”—getting a sticker slapped on you so you can get scanned into heaven).
As for solutions, Prothero (160) notes that the SCOTUS gave constitutional permission for the academic story of religion in Abington v. Schempp(1963). And he cites William Brennan in the majority opinion: “plainly does not foreclose teaching about the Holy Scriptures or about the differences between religious sects…impossible to teach meaningfully many subjects in the social sciences or the humanities without some mention of religion.” (160).
As for specifics, first, Prothero (165-167) proposes one required course on the Bible in high school—neither to be preached nor debunked; to include (but not be limited to) teaching it as literature; to discuss its influence on economics, politics, art, music, history, etc.; and to familiarize students with it in a religious literacy sort of way. In particular, he recommends the reading of at least Genesis (Leon Kass would agree with this!) and Matthew.
Second, Prothero (168-171) recommends a required course in world religions in high school—generally, “the seven great religious traditions” with the occasional tailoring to local circumstances (e.g., native American religions). He cites a public school in Modesto, CA that has a course like this one.
Prothero notes that teachers would need to be trained to execute these two courses well and argues that parents should be given an opt-out. Here, I think he’s optimistic about how this would play out in local politics—and misses the larger, underlying economic picture: the real problem here is that monopoly power of the government’s K-12 education (172).
For Christians who are excited about harnessing these ideas to Christian ends, I’d warn you to be (really) careful what you ask for. Imagine who will teach these courses. And even if you get good teaching, would it promote a Christian worldview and encourage discipleship with Jesus or inoculate people with a safe version of pluralistic religion? Prothero makes a similarly sobering observation to open the book—that the countries where church participation is mandated are places where the Church has been emasculated (1). If you’re an opponent of religion in general or Christianity in particular, ironically, the best way to harm it might be to mandate it.
the key to Israel's history: the rejection of Babylon and Egypt
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I love the observation in Peterson's "A Long Obedience in the Same Direction" (p. 31) that "The whole history of Israel is set in motion by two...acts of 'world rejection', which freed the people for an affirmation of God: the rejection of Mesopotamia in the days of Abraham and the rejection of Egypt in the days of Moses. All the wisdom and strength of the ancient world were in Mesopotamia and Egypt."
The Bible indicates that we are to cast off "the world" (defined as the world "system" in opposition to God; I Jn 2:15-17) without casting off all aspects of the world. Look at the work of God in Israel's history-- e.g., with respect to the re-casting of pagan myths and pagan practices such as circumcision. Look at the lives of other Biblical heroes-- most notably, Daniel in chapter 1 (as he famously rejects some but certainly not all that Babylon has to offer) and in later chapters as he works within pagan administrations. Look at the call to Jesus' disciples-- that they be "of the world", but not "in the world" (e.g., Jn 9:5). Look at Paul, quoting pagan poets three times and being able to speak to all sorts of non-believer and non-disciple audiences.And so on.
As you look deeper, it becomes obvious that applying these principles is not simple. Look at Israel post-Egypt and the money they're given on the way out the door-- a chunk of which builds the Tabernacle and a chunk of which builds the Golden Calf. We use money but we're not to worship Mammon. We eat but we're not to be gluttons. We can drink alcohol, but not unto drunkenness. We are commanded to enjoy God's good gifts, but to the extent of idolatry. And so on.
It's easy to absorb and be absorbed by the world. It's easy to avoid the world and its influences. But neither is Biblical. Salvation starts with an admission and rejection and payment for our sin. Discipleship begins with a general rejection of Babylon and Egypt-- and then wrestles with how to be "in the world" but not "of the world".
The Bible indicates that we are to cast off "the world" (defined as the world "system" in opposition to God; I Jn 2:15-17) without casting off all aspects of the world. Look at the work of God in Israel's history-- e.g., with respect to the re-casting of pagan myths and pagan practices such as circumcision. Look at the lives of other Biblical heroes-- most notably, Daniel in chapter 1 (as he famously rejects some but certainly not all that Babylon has to offer) and in later chapters as he works within pagan administrations. Look at the call to Jesus' disciples-- that they be "of the world", but not "in the world" (e.g., Jn 9:5). Look at Paul, quoting pagan poets three times and being able to speak to all sorts of non-believer and non-disciple audiences.And so on.
As you look deeper, it becomes obvious that applying these principles is not simple. Look at Israel post-Egypt and the money they're given on the way out the door-- a chunk of which builds the Tabernacle and a chunk of which builds the Golden Calf. We use money but we're not to worship Mammon. We eat but we're not to be gluttons. We can drink alcohol, but not unto drunkenness. We are commanded to enjoy God's good gifts, but to the extent of idolatry. And so on.
It's easy to absorb and be absorbed by the world. It's easy to avoid the world and its influences. But neither is Biblical. Salvation starts with an admission and rejection and payment for our sin. Discipleship begins with a general rejection of Babylon and Egypt-- and then wrestles with how to be "in the world" but not "of the world".
quotes from (and a few thoughts on) Hayek's Road to Serfdom
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Hayek dedicates The Road to Serfdom to "the socialists of all parties". Gotta love that start, noting that socialism and crony capitalism (a later topic) are common among the politicians and partisans of the major political parties.
Hayek (xiii; page references from the original/1944 version) uses this deTocqueville quote in the preface about the slow removal of freedom in a "new kind of servitude" [to government]: "It covers the surface of society with a network of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, bent, and guided; men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence; it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd."
Hayek quotes FDR (once) and it's a doozy: "not that the system of free enterprise for profit has failed in this generation, but that it has not yet been tried..."
Hayek on "individualism" (14, 59): “Individualism has a bad name today and the term has come to be connected with egotism and selfishness. But the individualism of which we speak in contrast to socialism and all other forms of collectivism has no necessary connection with these... It does not assume, as is often asserted, that man is egoistic or selfish or ought to be. It merely starts from the indisputable fact that the limits of our powers of imagination make it impossible to include in our scale of values more than a sector of the needs of the whole society...From this the individualist concludes that the individuals should be allowed, within defined limits, to follow their own values..."
Hayek is not a hard-core Libertarian, easily finding a role for government in areas beyond "institutions" (p. 38-39; establishing an environment that encourages productivity-- e.g., by protecting property rights)-- into areas such as regulation of poisonous substances, to limit working hours, to regulate sanitation and safety (as long as it promotes the general welfare, rather than targeting specific actors; p. 37). See: Walter Block's article in the Journal of Libertarian Studies for more detail on this.
Hayek on the "inevitability" and slippery slope of central planning and socialism (43): "It is a revealing fact that few planners are content to say that central planning is desirable. Most of them affirm that we can no longer choose but are compelled by circumstances beyond our control to substitute planning for competition. The myth is deliberately cultivated that we are embarking on the new course not out of free will but because competition is spontaneously eliminated by technological changes which we neither can reverse nor should wish to prevent. This argument is rarely developed at any length—it is one of the assertions taken over by one writer from another until, by mere iteration, it has come to be accepted as an established fact."
Hayek (56) quotes Adam Smith on the troubles of central planning: "The statesman who should attempt to direct private people in what manner they ought to employ their capitals would not only load himself with most unnecessary attention but assume an authority which could safely be trusted to no council and senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of man who have folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to exercise it."
I love this poke by Hayek on supposed advocates and the fetish of democracy (70-71): “It may well be true that our generation talks and thinks too much of democracy, and too little of the values which it serves...Democracy is essentially a means, a utilitarian device for safe-guarding internal peace and individual freedom. As such it is by no means infallible or certain... Democratic control may prevent power from becoming arbitrary, but it does not do so by its mere existence. If democracy resolves on a task which necessarily involves the use of power which cannot be guided by fixed rules, it must become arbitrary power."
Hayek on crony capitalism (194): "the impetus of the movement toward totalitarianism comes mainly from the two great vested interests: organized capital and organized labor. Probably the greatest menace of all is the fact that the policies of these two most powerful groups point in the same direction." Continuing (196-197): "Unless the argument of this book has been completely misunderstood, the author will not be suspected of any tenderness toward the capitalists if he stresses here that it would nevertheless be a mistake to put the blame for the modern movement toward monopoly exclusively or mainly on that class. Their propensity in this direction is neither new nor would it by itself be likely to become a formidable power. The fatal development was that they have succeeded in enlisting the support of an ever increasing number of other groups and, with their help, in obtaining the support of the state...Private monopoly is scarcely ever complete and even more rarely of long duration or able to disregard potential competition. But a state monopoly is always a state-protected monopoly—protected against both potential competition and effective criticism...The machinery of monopoly becomes identical with the machinery of the state, and the state itself becomes more and more identified with the interests of those who run things than with the interests of the people in general."
Hayek (xiii; page references from the original/1944 version) uses this deTocqueville quote in the preface about the slow removal of freedom in a "new kind of servitude" [to government]: "It covers the surface of society with a network of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, bent, and guided; men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence; it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd."
Hayek quotes FDR (once) and it's a doozy: "not that the system of free enterprise for profit has failed in this generation, but that it has not yet been tried..."
Hayek on "individualism" (14, 59): “Individualism has a bad name today and the term has come to be connected with egotism and selfishness. But the individualism of which we speak in contrast to socialism and all other forms of collectivism has no necessary connection with these... It does not assume, as is often asserted, that man is egoistic or selfish or ought to be. It merely starts from the indisputable fact that the limits of our powers of imagination make it impossible to include in our scale of values more than a sector of the needs of the whole society...From this the individualist concludes that the individuals should be allowed, within defined limits, to follow their own values..."
Hayek is not a hard-core Libertarian, easily finding a role for government in areas beyond "institutions" (p. 38-39; establishing an environment that encourages productivity-- e.g., by protecting property rights)-- into areas such as regulation of poisonous substances, to limit working hours, to regulate sanitation and safety (as long as it promotes the general welfare, rather than targeting specific actors; p. 37). See: Walter Block's article in the Journal of Libertarian Studies for more detail on this.
Hayek on the "inevitability" and slippery slope of central planning and socialism (43): "It is a revealing fact that few planners are content to say that central planning is desirable. Most of them affirm that we can no longer choose but are compelled by circumstances beyond our control to substitute planning for competition. The myth is deliberately cultivated that we are embarking on the new course not out of free will but because competition is spontaneously eliminated by technological changes which we neither can reverse nor should wish to prevent. This argument is rarely developed at any length—it is one of the assertions taken over by one writer from another until, by mere iteration, it has come to be accepted as an established fact."
Hayek (56) quotes Adam Smith on the troubles of central planning: "The statesman who should attempt to direct private people in what manner they ought to employ their capitals would not only load himself with most unnecessary attention but assume an authority which could safely be trusted to no council and senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of man who have folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to exercise it."
I love this poke by Hayek on supposed advocates and the fetish of democracy (70-71): “It may well be true that our generation talks and thinks too much of democracy, and too little of the values which it serves...Democracy is essentially a means, a utilitarian device for safe-guarding internal peace and individual freedom. As such it is by no means infallible or certain... Democratic control may prevent power from becoming arbitrary, but it does not do so by its mere existence. If democracy resolves on a task which necessarily involves the use of power which cannot be guided by fixed rules, it must become arbitrary power."
Hayek on crony capitalism (194): "the impetus of the movement toward totalitarianism comes mainly from the two great vested interests: organized capital and organized labor. Probably the greatest menace of all is the fact that the policies of these two most powerful groups point in the same direction." Continuing (196-197): "Unless the argument of this book has been completely misunderstood, the author will not be suspected of any tenderness toward the capitalists if he stresses here that it would nevertheless be a mistake to put the blame for the modern movement toward monopoly exclusively or mainly on that class. Their propensity in this direction is neither new nor would it by itself be likely to become a formidable power. The fatal development was that they have succeeded in enlisting the support of an ever increasing number of other groups and, with their help, in obtaining the support of the state...Private monopoly is scarcely ever complete and even more rarely of long duration or able to disregard potential competition. But a state monopoly is always a state-protected monopoly—protected against both potential competition and effective criticism...The machinery of monopoly becomes identical with the machinery of the state, and the state itself becomes more and more identified with the interests of those who run things than with the interests of the people in general."
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